Germany was once seen as a reliable mediator in the Middle East, facilitating important deals between Israel and its rivals during the most fractious of times. But the German government’s largely one-sided approach, backing Israel unreservedly in the wake of the Hamas-led attacks of Oct. 7, 2023, and Israeli retaliation, may have long-term negative consequences for German diplomacy and influence in the region and the wider Global South.
To better appreciate the marked shift that has occurred in Germany’s standing in the Middle East, it is not necessary to go too far back in the past.
Take, for instance, Germany’s key role in facilitating two important prisoner exchange deals between Israel and Hezbollah in 2004 and 2008. During these episodes, Germany’s diplomatic finesse earned it a reputation as a reliable mediator that could perform in a relatively even-handed way despite its close ties to both Israel and the United States.
Three years of German mediation—led by Ernst Uhrlau, Germany’s coordinator of intelligence services—were central to the 2004 deal between Israel and Hezbollah to exchange prisoners and war dead. In return for an Israeli prisoner and the remains of three Israel Defense Forces soldiers, Israel released a total of 429 prisoners, including 400 Palestinians, 23 Lebanese, five other Arabs, and one German. Israel also returned the remains of 59 Lebanese fighters killed during the Israeli occupation of South Lebanon. German military and intelligence personnel were involved in the deal. German planes were used for the transport of both bodies of soldiers and prisoners.
Berlin’s mediation was also pivotal in the success of a 2008 exchange between Hezbollah and Israel. German intelligence officer Gerhard Conrad, who had also facilitated the Israel-Hezbollah swap in 2004, emerged as a respected and trusted figure, enjoying the confidence of both parties and the United Nations.
None of this is to overlook Germany’s deep ties with Israel in the post-World War II period. But notwithstanding its very close relationship with both Israel and the U.S., German governments had for many decades been careful to maintain a semblance of impartiality in their public diplomacy towards Israel and its Arab neighbors, including the Palestinians.
Fast forward to the present and the picture looks vastly different, especially in the aftermath of the Hamas-led attacks against Israel on Oct. 7. Germany’s political class strongly backed Israel, going far beyond affirming Israel’s right to self-defense or showing solidarity with victims of the October attacks. Both at the level of discourse and policy, the country’s ruling elites have emerged as among the most hawkish European supporters of Israel’s disproportionate military response. This support has manifested itself in several ways.
At home, German authorities stand accused of cracking down on public support for the Palestinian cause, effectively jeopardizing fundamental freedoms such as the right to protest. Meanwhile, cultural foundations have felt compelled to limit voices critical of Israel’s treatment of the Palestinian people.
On the diplomatic front, Berlin’s role has been most evident in its refusal to proactively join international efforts to bring about a humanitarian ceasefire and an end to hostilities, the most essential step for alleviating the suffering of Gazans. Twice, Germany abstained from a vote in the UN General Assembly calling for a ceasefire in the Middle East. Senior members of the German government have periodically issued one-sided statements proclaiming unconditional support for Israel with scant attention paid to the devastating impact of the war on Gazans.
“There is only one place for Germany at this time, and that is by Israel’s side,” German Chancellor Olaf Scholz told German lawmakers on Oct. 12, as the death toll from Israel’s operations in Gaza was soaring. When asked about her government’s inadequate efforts to enforce a ceasefire, Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock replied that “It is not the job of politicians to tell the guns to shut up.” The phrase may well have left Carl von Clausewitz turning in his grave.
To appreciate the stark shift in German discourse, juxtapose Baerbock’s philosophical acrobatics with the 2006 statements of Frank-Walter Steinmeier, the country’s current president and then foreign minister. Steinmeier could proudly proclaim in 2006 that “In the region, people know…that Europeans and Germans played a decisive role in the silencing of the guns” after Israel’s 2006 war with Lebanon. Indeed, following the 2006 war, Germany would also become an active member of UNIFIL, the UN’s peacekeeping mission in Lebanon.
More recently as the Gaza death toll passed 32,000, Baerbock shifted her tone. In late March, during her sixth visit to the region since Oct. 7, she described the situation in the besieged strip as “hell” and also voiced opposition to an Israeli ground assault on Rafah.
In the military realm, however, German arms exports to Israel have surged, increasing tenfold compared to 2022. Notably, German government officials have revealed that of the 218 licenses granted in 2023, 185 were approved during Israel’s offensive. Chancellor Scholz has acknowledged that he had told Israeli leaders to ask him for “whatever support is needed”.
According to a March 2024 report by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, Germany accounted for 30 percent of Israel’s arms imports in recent years. The only other country that sold more weapons to Israel in 2023 was the United States, which provided 69 percent of Israel’s arms imports.
Another blow to Berlin’s impartiality came when it sharply rejected allegations before the UN’s top court, the International Court of Justice, that Israel was plausibly committing genocide in Gaza, while at the same time announcing that it would intervene as a third party before the ICJ. According to legal scholar Stefan Talmon, “Announcing the intention to intervene before the Court could even rule on the question of jurisdiction seems disrespectful towards the ICJ and may ultimately undermine the credibility and strength of Germany’s intervention.” Many in the Global South, Talmon adds, “will see the German intervention as yet another example of double standards in international law.”
Germany’s political, military, and legal responses to Israel’s offensive in Gaza are unlikely to have left its international standing unscathed, especially in the Global South, including the Arab and Muslim world. At a critical juncture, when de-escalation and effective mediation are paramount, the current German approach to the Middle East makes it difficult to imagine a scenario in which Berlin would assume a role as significant as its mediation efforts in 2004 or 2008—at least not in the foreseeable future. It will require both time and effort to reverse the severe damage done to its credibility that had been decades in the making.
Sajjad Safaei is a postdoctoral researcher and scientific editor in Germany. His writings on the Middle East, non-proliferation, international security, and democratization have appeared in outlets such as Foreign Policy, Responsible Statecraft, Middle East Institute, National Interest, Le Monde Diplomatique, Al Jazeera, etc. His research interests include violence, security, defense, punishment, human rights, the Middle East, and Iran.
Germany’s Blanket Support for Israel Has Undermined Its Utility as a Middle East Mediator
By Sajjad Safaei
Middle East & North Africa
Germany was once seen as a reliable mediator in the Middle East, facilitating important deals between Israel and its rivals during the most fractious of times. But the German government’s largely one-sided approach, backing Israel unreservedly in the wake of the Hamas-led attacks of Oct. 7, 2023, and Israeli retaliation, may have long-term negative consequences for German diplomacy and influence in the region and the wider Global South.
To better appreciate the marked shift that has occurred in Germany’s standing in the Middle East, it is not necessary to go too far back in the past.
Take, for instance, Germany’s key role in facilitating two important prisoner exchange deals between Israel and Hezbollah in 2004 and 2008. During these episodes, Germany’s diplomatic finesse earned it a reputation as a reliable mediator that could perform in a relatively even-handed way despite its close ties to both Israel and the United States.
Three years of German mediation—led by Ernst Uhrlau, Germany’s coordinator of intelligence services—were central to the 2004 deal between Israel and Hezbollah to exchange prisoners and war dead. In return for an Israeli prisoner and the remains of three Israel Defense Forces soldiers, Israel released a total of 429 prisoners, including 400 Palestinians, 23 Lebanese, five other Arabs, and one German. Israel also returned the remains of 59 Lebanese fighters killed during the Israeli occupation of South Lebanon. German military and intelligence personnel were involved in the deal. German planes were used for the transport of both bodies of soldiers and prisoners.
Berlin’s mediation was also pivotal in the success of a 2008 exchange between Hezbollah and Israel. German intelligence officer Gerhard Conrad, who had also facilitated the Israel-Hezbollah swap in 2004, emerged as a respected and trusted figure, enjoying the confidence of both parties and the United Nations.
None of this is to overlook Germany’s deep ties with Israel in the post-World War II period. But notwithstanding its very close relationship with both Israel and the U.S., German governments had for many decades been careful to maintain a semblance of impartiality in their public diplomacy towards Israel and its Arab neighbors, including the Palestinians.
Fast forward to the present and the picture looks vastly different, especially in the aftermath of the Hamas-led attacks against Israel on Oct. 7. Germany’s political class strongly backed Israel, going far beyond affirming Israel’s right to self-defense or showing solidarity with victims of the October attacks. Both at the level of discourse and policy, the country’s ruling elites have emerged as among the most hawkish European supporters of Israel’s disproportionate military response. This support has manifested itself in several ways.
At home, German authorities stand accused of cracking down on public support for the Palestinian cause, effectively jeopardizing fundamental freedoms such as the right to protest. Meanwhile, cultural foundations have felt compelled to limit voices critical of Israel’s treatment of the Palestinian people.
On the diplomatic front, Berlin’s role has been most evident in its refusal to proactively join international efforts to bring about a humanitarian ceasefire and an end to hostilities, the most essential step for alleviating the suffering of Gazans. Twice, Germany abstained from a vote in the UN General Assembly calling for a ceasefire in the Middle East. Senior members of the German government have periodically issued one-sided statements proclaiming unconditional support for Israel with scant attention paid to the devastating impact of the war on Gazans.
“There is only one place for Germany at this time, and that is by Israel’s side,” German Chancellor Olaf Scholz told German lawmakers on Oct. 12, as the death toll from Israel’s operations in Gaza was soaring. When asked about her government’s inadequate efforts to enforce a ceasefire, Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock replied that “It is not the job of politicians to tell the guns to shut up.” The phrase may well have left Carl von Clausewitz turning in his grave.
To appreciate the stark shift in German discourse, juxtapose Baerbock’s philosophical acrobatics with the 2006 statements of Frank-Walter Steinmeier, the country’s current president and then foreign minister. Steinmeier could proudly proclaim in 2006 that “In the region, people know…that Europeans and Germans played a decisive role in the silencing of the guns” after Israel’s 2006 war with Lebanon. Indeed, following the 2006 war, Germany would also become an active member of UNIFIL, the UN’s peacekeeping mission in Lebanon.
More recently as the Gaza death toll passed 32,000, Baerbock shifted her tone. In late March, during her sixth visit to the region since Oct. 7, she described the situation in the besieged strip as “hell” and also voiced opposition to an Israeli ground assault on Rafah.
In the military realm, however, German arms exports to Israel have surged, increasing tenfold compared to 2022. Notably, German government officials have revealed that of the 218 licenses granted in 2023, 185 were approved during Israel’s offensive. Chancellor Scholz has acknowledged that he had told Israeli leaders to ask him for “whatever support is needed”.
According to a March 2024 report by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, Germany accounted for 30 percent of Israel’s arms imports in recent years. The only other country that sold more weapons to Israel in 2023 was the United States, which provided 69 percent of Israel’s arms imports.
Another blow to Berlin’s impartiality came when it sharply rejected allegations before the UN’s top court, the International Court of Justice, that Israel was plausibly committing genocide in Gaza, while at the same time announcing that it would intervene as a third party before the ICJ. According to legal scholar Stefan Talmon, “Announcing the intention to intervene before the Court could even rule on the question of jurisdiction seems disrespectful towards the ICJ and may ultimately undermine the credibility and strength of Germany’s intervention.” Many in the Global South, Talmon adds, “will see the German intervention as yet another example of double standards in international law.”
Germany’s political, military, and legal responses to Israel’s offensive in Gaza are unlikely to have left its international standing unscathed, especially in the Global South, including the Arab and Muslim world. At a critical juncture, when de-escalation and effective mediation are paramount, the current German approach to the Middle East makes it difficult to imagine a scenario in which Berlin would assume a role as significant as its mediation efforts in 2004 or 2008—at least not in the foreseeable future. It will require both time and effort to reverse the severe damage done to its credibility that had been decades in the making.
Sajjad Safaei is a postdoctoral researcher and scientific editor in Germany. His writings on the Middle East, non-proliferation, international security, and democratization have appeared in outlets such as Foreign Policy, Responsible Statecraft, Middle East Institute, National Interest, Le Monde Diplomatique, Al Jazeera, etc. His research interests include violence, security, defense, punishment, human rights, the Middle East, and Iran.
Recent & Related