The United States and the UN Security Council: Examining U.S. Perspectives and Approaches to Key Issues

Examining U.S. perspectives and approaches to enduring and emerging issues on the UN Security Council’s agenda.

By  Alex Hopkins  •  Rachel Stohl

As the Biden administration navigates a Security Council increasingly defined by great power rivalries, U.S. views and approaches to key issues have come into focus and merit fresh examination. Building on desk research and interviews with U.S. government officials, this issue brief explores current U.S. policy priorities and how they fit within the Security Council’s agenda. The research specifically centers on four thematic areas that represent a blend of enduring issues that have been on the Security Council’s agenda since its founding and emerging areas of focus among permanent and temporary members, including (1) global health security and COVID-19 pandemic recovery; (2) arms control and disarmament; (3) conflict; and (4) climate change and security.

Introduction

Since taking office, the Biden administration has signaled a renewed interest in engaging with the United Nations and utilizing multilateral tools to address global challenges. As a permanent member of the Security Council, the United States plays an integral role in the body’s deliberations and wields significant influence over which agenda items move forward, as well as how and when they do so. While U.S. influence remains significant, Security Council watchers have noted that the Trump administration’s approach led to growing frustrations among both U.S. allies and competitors about the Security Council’s ability to address ongoing and future conflicts.  Though striking a contrast with the previous U.S. administration’s Security Council involvement, President Biden’s team is operating in an environment increasingly defined by great power rivalries amidst a general degradation of the Security Council’s ability to carry out its core mandate of responding to and preventing conflicts around the world.  Within this context, the United States has articulated clear priorities across a range of topics, including continuing the COVID-19 recovery, prioritizing climate change, and elevating human rights – to name a few. Building on desk research and interviews with U.S. government officials, this issue brief examines current U.S. policy priorities and how they fit within the Security Council’s work on enduring and emerging international peace and security issues across several thematic areas.

U.S. Priorities

In addition to stating that “America is back” and that “diplomacy is back at the center of our foreign policy,” President Biden’s first foreign policy address in February 2021 included references to key priorities of his administration. These priorities include addressing rising authoritarianism, the ambitions of China and Russia, and accelerating global challenges such as the COVID-19 pandemic, climate change, and nuclear proliferation.1The White House, “Remarks by President Biden on America’s Place in the World,” 4 February 2021, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2021/02/04/remarks-by-president-biden-on-americas-place-in-the-world/. The Biden administration’s Interim National Security Strategic Guidance, released in March 2021, noted the United States “will again embrace international cooperation toward a better, safer, more resilient, more prosperous world,” highlighting that the United States “will move swiftly to earn back our position of leadership in international institutions, joining with the international community to tackle the climate crisis and other shared challenges.”2The White House, “Interim National Security Strategic Guidance,” March 2021, https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/NSC-1v2.pdf, pp. 11. The Interim National Security Strategic Guidance also makes clear the U.S. position that multilateral fora, such as the Security Council, are vital to advancing U.S. priorities:

Because the United Nations and other international organizations, however imperfect, remain essential for advancing our interests, we will re-engage as a full participant and work to meet our financial obligations, in full and on time. Across a range of crucial issues – from climate change to global health, peace and security, humanitarian response, revitalizing democracy and human rights, digital connectivity and technology governance, sustainable and inclusive development, and forced displacement and migration – effective global cooperation and institutional reform require America to resume a leadership role in multilateral organizations. It is also critical that these institutions continue to reflect the universal values, aspirations, and norms that have underpinned the UN system since its founding 75 years ago, rather than an authoritarian agenda. In a world of deepening rivalry, we will not cede this vital terrain.3The White House, “Interim National Security Strategic Guidance,” March 2021, https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/NSC-1v2.pdf, pp. 13.

The values noted above are at the core of U.S. reengagement with the Security Council. In the face of rising authoritarianism, the United States views the Security Council as a platform to respond to disinformation, aggressive action, and human rights violations, exposing violators for what they are. Across the issue areas discussed in this paper, U.S. officials have stressed that one of their overarching objectives is to restore credibility and integrity in U.S. leadership while engaging with allies and competitors in a manner that builds trust. 

U.S. Views Across Select Thematic Focus Areas

The Security Council has recognized the influence of the global COVID-19 pandemic as having the potential to worsen the humanitarian impact of armed conflict and aggravating the socioeconomic drivers of violence and instability, especially in developing countries. The Biden administration is navigating this new environment and simultaneously reinvigorating its multilateral approach. To further clarify U.S. views, Stimson focused on the following four thematic areas: (1) global health security and pandemic recovery; (2) arms control and disarmament; (3) conflict; and (4) climate change and security. These topics represent a blend of legacy issues that have been on the Security Council’s agenda since its founding, as well as emerging areas of focus that have gained momentum among permanent and temporary members. Stimson conducted in-depth interviews with U.S. officials based in Washington, DC to supplement its desk research.

Global Health Security and COVID-19 Pandemic Recovery

Since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in March 2020, the Security Council has considered the security concerns and challenges raised by the global health emergency. Over the next two to three years, the Security Council will continue to address a range of global health security challenges, including the long-term implications of COVID-19. Since assuming office in January 2021, the Biden administration has supported multilateral approaches to combating the pandemic and ensuring equitable access to vaccines. The U.S. Department of State has worked closely with the World Health Organization (WHO) to accelerate vaccine development and deployment, increase manufacturing capacity, improve information sharing, and bolster vaccine confidence.4U.S. Department of State, “COVID-19 Recovery – Multilateral Approaches,” https://www.state.gov/covid-19-recovery/#multilateral. In March 2021, during the month-long U.S. presidency of the Security Council, President Biden hosted a virtual gathering of Permanent Representatives at the White House where he and U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, Linda Thomas-Greenfield, reaffirmed the U.S. commitment to working with global partners through multilateral institutions to recover from the COVID-19 pandemic, improve global health security, and foster an equitable and sustainable economic recovery.5White House, “President Biden Hosts Virtual Gathering of UN Security Council Permanent Representatives,” 18 March 2021, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2021/03/18/president-biden-hosts-virtual-gathering-of-un-security-council-permanent-representatives/. Ahead of UNGA76, Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield highlighted several U.S. priorities, including robust support for the global response to COVID-19.6U.S. Mission to the UN, “Remarks by Linda Thomas-Greenfield during a UN Press Briefing Previewing the United States’ Participation and Priorities for UNGA76,” 17 September 2021, https://usun.usmission.gov/remarks-by-ambassador-linda-thomas-greenfield-during-a-un-press-briefing-previewing-the-united-states-participation-and-priorities-for-unga76/. The U.S. approach to battling COVID-19 with the UN and across international regimes is built around increasing vaccination production and access while simultaneously strengthening health systems around the world.

While the United States would like to see the Security Council do more on COVID-19, the United States will also focus on the nexus between health and security across the UN System. Accordingly, the Biden administration believes that the UN System should be more capable of addressing public health crises and their security threats.7Interview with U.S. government official, 3 December 2021. Yet, concerns remain about the Security Council’s ability to find the procedural rhythm required to respond to rapidly-evolving health security threats in the future.8Interview with U.S. government official, 3 December 2021. Ideally, the United States would like to insert health security and pandemic preparedness thematically throughout the work of the Security Council, including in the deployment of peace operations like peacekeeping and special political missions, as well as the work of UN country teams around the world.9Interview with U.S. government official, 3 December 2021.

In addition to its strategic and political consequences, COVID-19 has also impacted the work of the Security Council at a practical level. During the first few months of the Biden administration, the pandemic altered the working methods of the Security Council, including necessitating virtual convenings and straining the consensus-building process. While this dynamic has improved, reduced agility in Security Council procedures hindered the Biden administration’s efforts to use the body in a preventive fashion: advocating for earlier interventions before the conflict escalated, an approach that can be somewhat contentious and at odds with consensus-building.10Interview with U.S. government official, 3 December 2021.

Arms Control and Disarmament

The Biden Administration has reiterated its intent to remain a leader in arms control and disarmament. In remarks to the UN First Committee, Ambassador Bonnie Jenkins, Under Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security, stressed the United States’ commitment to diplomacy and transparency, and to building a “predictable foundation for the future of arms control.”11U.S. Department of State, “Remarks to United Nations First Committee,” 6 October 2021, https://www.state.gov/remarks-to-united-nations-first-committee/. The United States understands the current strategic environment to be one of “increased geopolitical tension and competition,” which has led the Biden administration to spearhead efforts in the UN First Committee aimed at compliance within existing frameworks and emerging issues such as responsible state behavior at the intersection of cyberspace and arms control.

Some of the issues in front of the Security Council include managing the nuclear ambitions of Iran and North Korea, and shoring up existing non-proliferation frameworks. Despite these major challenges, the five Permanent Members of the Security Council do not see the world in the same way, and collective action on issues of nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation is harder to find as the primacy of strategic competition pervades Security Council deliberations.12Interview with U.S. government official, 13 January 2022.

In terms of the nonproliferation agenda for the U.S., a major focus continues to be the ongoing talks in Vienna surrounding the future of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).13Arms Control Association, “Iran Nuclear Talks Show Some Progress,” 11 January 2022, https://www.armscontrol.org/act/2022-01/news/iran-nuclear-talks-show-some-progress. Four years after President Trump walked away from the agreement, President Biden has made returning to the deal with mutual compliance a top priority. With regard to North Korea, Secretary of State Antony Blinken stated that the United States “remains focused on denuclearization.”14U.S. Department of State, “Secretary Blinken’s Remarks to the Conference on Disarmament,” 22 February 2021, https://www.state.gov/video-remarks-to-the-conference-on-disarmament/. Secretary Blinken also spoke on Syria’s failure to comply with the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) and Russia’s perpetuation of Syrian violations. The United States condemned Syria’s and Russia’s actions and called upon the two countries to reestablish their CWC commitment. Secretary Blinken stressed that “there can be no impunity. We must preserve international law against the use of chemical weapons – or we risk normalizing their use.”15U.S. Department of State, “Secretary Blinken’s Remarks to the Conference on Disarmament,” 22 February 2021, https://www.state.gov/video-remarks-to-the-conference-on-disarmament/. Secretary Blinken addressed the threat of weaponizing “disease and biological agents,” but gave no country specific examples of misuse. Lastly, Secretary Blinken addressed the need to negotiate “a treaty banning the production of fissile material for use in nuclear weapons.”16U.S. Department of State, “Secretary Blinken’s Remarks to the Conference on Disarmament,” 22 February 2021, https://www.state.gov/video-remarks-to-the-conference-on-disarmament/.

In remarks to the Conference on Disarmament in February 2021, Secretary Antony Blinken addressed key U.S. priorities and concerns on disarmament, both generally and in relation to specific country cases. Secretary Blinken underscored the need for “standards and norms of responsible behavior in outer space” on an international scale, and urged States to refrain from anti-satellite weapon tests, noting that Russia contradicted its own stance against the weaponization of space by conducting such a test on the ground in 2020. Secretary Blinken also addressed U.S. readiness to engage in conversation with Russia regarding arms control, security issues, and nuclear arsenals, while also asserting the need for China to be more transparent about its weapons programs.17U.S. Department of State, “Secretary Blinken’s Remarks to the Conference on Disarmament,” 22 February 2021, https://www.state.gov/video-remarks-to-the-conference-on-disarmament/.

Depending on the diplomatic level of engagement and the countries at the table, U.S. arms control and disarmament priorities vary from a specific focus on renewing dialogue to advocating for the application of a human rights lens to conventional arms transfers.18Interview with U.S. government official, 13 January 2022. At the bilateral level, the U.S. is focused on its evolving relationships with Russia and China. Substantial diplomatic effort went into the February 2021 agreement with Russia to extend the New START Treaty until February 2026. In a statement detailing the implications of the extension, Secretary Blinken stressed the importance of having verifiable limits on Russian intercontinental ballistic missiles, submarine-launched ballistic missiles, and heavy bombers.19U.S. Department of State, “On the Extension of the New START Treaty with the Russian Federation,” 3 February 2021, https://www.state.gov/on-the-extension-of-the-new-start-treaty-with-the-russian-federation/. Since Biden took office, and following the extension of the New START Treaty, the U.S. and Russia have met three times in the context of the bilateral Strategic Stability Dialogue to discuss the future of arms control between the two nuclear powers.20Arms Control Association, “U.S., Russia to Continue Strategic Stability Dialogue in 2022,” 21 December 2021, https://www.armscontrol.org/blog/2021-12/us-russian-nuclear-arms-control-watch. The 2022 iteration of these talks will be further complicated by escalating tensions between Russia and Ukraine, including the massing of Russian forces near the Ukrainian border, which the U.S. and its NATO Allies have condemned as aggressive, regionally destabilizing, and threatening to Ukrainian sovereignty.21New York Times, “U.S. Charges Russia Sent Saboteurs Into Ukraine to Create Pretext for Invasion,” 14 January 2021, https://www.nytimes.com/2022/01/14/us/politics/russia-ukraine-us-intelligence.html.

Also at the bilateral level, a key priority for the U.S. will be to push China to engage in formal arms control talks, perhaps similar in nature to the U.S.-Russia Strategic Stability Dialogue.22Reuters, “U.S. says it hopes for arms control talks ‘soon’ with China,” 16 December 2021, https://www.reuters.com/world/china/us-says-it-hopes-arms-control-talks-soon-with-china-2021-12-16/. If formal talks do not materialize, the U.S. is prepared to continue engaging China in an informal way on nuclear disarmament issues.23Interview with U.S. government official, 13 January 2022.

In terms of conventional arms, the United States is currently reviewing its Conventional Arms Transfer (CAT) Policy. While the updated policy is not finalized, rhetoric from the Biden administration has focused on elevating human rights concerns, stressing the principles of restraint and responsible use, and considering the state of security sector governance of potential arms transfer recipients. According to public statements from State Department officials, the updated policy will reflect “the President’s goals of putting diplomacy first, respecting human rights and international humanitarian law, revitalizing and reimaging alliances, and delivering for the American people.”24U.S. Department of State, “Remarks to the Defense Trade Advisory Group by Timothy Alan Betts, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Political-Military Affairs,” 4 November 2021, https://www.state.gov/remarks-to-the-defense-trade-advisory-group/.

Conflict

Responding to and preventing conflict is the core mandate of the Security Council. As such, several ongoing conflicts are likely to remain at the top of the agenda through the next temporary membership cycle, including the deteriorating situations in Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Syria, and Myanmar, among others. A key challenge for the Council in general, and for the United States in particular, will be finding ways to work around major power rivalries in order to get permanent and temporary members to act in a preventive way. This will require moving beyond the current status quo wherein only disaster scenarios spur meaningful action.25Interview with U.S. government official, 3 December 2021. Moving away from crisis intervention and toward preventive diplomacy is also in line with the vision laid out by Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, who recently secured a second term.26UN News, “António Guterres secures second term as UN Secretary-General, calls for new era of ‘solidarity and equality’,” 18 June 2021, https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/06/1094282. An emphasis on preventive diplomacy also tracks with rhetoric from the Biden Administration. For example, at a Security Council briefing on preventive diplomacy, Ambassador Jeffrey DeLaurentis, U.S. Senior Advisor for Special Political Affairs, offered the following remarks:

The UN has a unique advantage when engaging in preventive diplomacy, given its extensive presence in conflict-affected settings worldwide. UN field mechanisms like the Resident Coordinator system, peace and development advisors, special political missions, and peacekeeping operations are on the frontlines of preventive diplomacy, and we must empower them and reinforce their efforts.

A modern approach to our work requires a modern approach to conflict prevention and peacebuilding. The United States is now implementing the U.S. Strategy to Prevent Conflict and Promote Stability, which details lessons learned and best practices for addressing the root causes of conflict and preventing future ones. Many of these lessons are relevant to the UN, including: the primacy of political solutions to conflict; the value of local buy-in, legitimacy, and accountability; the need for monitoring and evaluation; and the importance of integrating all diplomatic, assistance, and security activities under a coherent plan.

Fundamentally, we have found that conflicts are often fueled by the abuse of human rights, which is one reason it is so important. Member States uphold their international obligations and commitments.27U.S. Mission to the United Nations, “Remarks at a UN Security Council Briefing on Preventive Diplomacy,” 16 November 2021, https://usun.usmission.gov/remarks-at-a-un-security-council-briefing-on-preventive-diplomacy/.

Despite these goals, the geopolitical realities that define today’s conflicts have hindered a wider transition towards a preventive diplomacy centered on human rights. U.S. officials have stressed the importance of paying attention to significant humanitarian issues that might not always be “front-page news,” such as U.S. efforts in Ethiopia and the surrounding region to establish a ceasefire and avoid famine, as well as the ongoing humanitarian challenge in the Sahel which has been exacerbated by the dual threats of climate change and conflict. And while there have been discrete examples of compromise among P5 rivals on issues related to particular conflicts, the Council Members have often dealt with ancillary or procedural matters related to those conflicts in order to avoid sensitivities surrounding intervention or resolution.28Fillion, S., Lynch, C., & Gramer, R., “Inside the U.S.-Russia deal that eases pressure on assad,” Foreign Policy, 8 February 2022, https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/02/08/us-russia-deal-assad-syria/. Yet, even these compromises have managed to lead to controversy amongst non-P5 Members. Several conflicts illustrate the challenges and provide insights into the U.S. approach.

Afghanistan

In the aftermath of the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan and the Taliban takeover, the U.S. has stressed that Afghanistan needs the UN and the UN Assistance Mission to Afghanistan (UNAMA) more than ever, specifically to help prevent human rights violations and abuses, and to pursue accountability for those that have already occurred.29U.S. Mission to the UN, “Remarks at the UN Security Council Open Debate on Afghanistan,” 9 September 2021, https://usun.usmission.gov/remarks-at-a-un-security-council-open-debate-on-afghanistan/. A key priority since August 2021 has been the relocation and resettlement in the United States of “Afghan individuals to whom the U.S. has a commitment.”30U.S. Department of State, “An Update on Management of the Department of State’s Continuing Afghan Relocation and Resettlement Efforts,” 12 October 2021, https://www.state.gov/an-update-on-management-of-the-department-of-states-continuing-afghan-relocation-and-resettlement-efforts/. While the situation in Afghanistan is very difficult, the Security Council has an important role to play and there is room for common interest among the five permanent members (P5), including on issues such as leveraging existing UN sanctions on the Taliban.31Interview with a U.S. government official, 4 November 2021. Responding to the unfolding humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan – especially during the winter months – is also a priority of the Biden administration, as evidenced by recent increases in humanitarian aid from USAID and U.S. efforts at the Security Council to carve out exemptions for humanitarian assistance and other activities that support basic human needs from sanctions imposed under resolutions 2255 (2015) and 1988 (2011).32Aamer Madhani, “As Afghanistan confronts humanitarian crisis, U.S. to send $308 million in aid,” PBS News Hour, 11 January 2022, https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/as-afghanistan-confronts-humanitarian-crisis-u-s-to-send-308-million-in-aid. 33UN News, “Security Council paves way for aid to reach desperate Afghans,” 22 December 2021, https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/12/1108642. Since its departure, the U.S. has leaned on UN mechanisms, including the UN Emergency Relief Coordinator, to support urgently needed humanitarian assistance and other activities related to shelter and settlement assistance, food security, education, and livelihoods support, among others.34U.S. Mission to the UN, “Explanation of Vote Following the Adoption of the UN Security Council Resolution 2615 (2021),” 22 December 2021, https://usun.usmission.gov/explanation-of-vote-following-the-adoption-of-the-un-security-council-1988-humanitarian-resolution/.

Myanmar

According to U.S. officials, the situation in Myanmar continues to worsen and requires increased vigilance and engagement from the Security Council and regional partners. In response to the military coup in February 2021, the Biden administration condemned the violence and human rights abuses perpetrated by the military. In August 2021, Vice President Harris stressed that she and President Biden are “deeply concerned by the military coup and the human rights abuses that have followed.” She condemned the violence and said the U.S. “stands with the people of Myanmar.”35The White House, “Remarks by Vice President Harris at the Launch of the U.S. CDC’s Southeast Asia Regional Office in Hanoi, Vietnam,” 25 August 2021, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2021/08/25/remarks-by-vice-president-harris-at-the-launch-of-the-u-s-cdcs-southeast-asia-regional-office-in-hanoi-vietnam/. The United States has called for the release of those unjustly detained and restoration of a path toward democratic rule. In the G7 Summit Communiqué, President Biden and other leaders pledged “support to those advocating peacefully for a stable and inclusive democracy.” The Communiqué also highlighted ASEAN’s central role and welcomed and urged the implementation of the Five Point Consensus, an agreement reached during the April 2021 ASEAN Leaders Summit, which called for, among other things, a cessation of hostilities and constructive dialogue, for the junta to allow for humanitarian assistance, and for ASEAN’s special envoy and delegation to meet all parties concerned.36The White House, “Carbis Bay G7 Summit Communiqué,” 13 June 2021, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2021/06/13/carbis-bay-g7-summit-communique/.

Climate Change and Security

The issue of climate change and its potential implications for international peace and security have gained traction in the Security Council in recent years. Previously, the Security Council considered climate-related conflict risks, issues facing specific regions and countries, and the role of UN missions and offices. The Biden administration has signaled that this issue will be a key priority for the United States and its engagement on the Council, as evidenced by remarks from U.S. Climate Envoy, John Kerry, at a February 2021 high-level, open debate on climate and security hosted by the United Kingdom. At that virtual meeting, Kerry stressed that “the climate crisis is indisputably a Security Council issue,” adding that the U.S. Department of Defense has, for years, considered the impact of climate change as a “threat multiplier.”37U.S. Department of State, “Secretary Kerry Participates in the UN Security Council Open Debate on Climate and Security,” 23 February 2021, https://www.state.gov/secretary-kerry-participates-in-the-un-security-council-open-debate-on-climate-and-security/. The remarks reflect the current U.S. view that climate change is one of the most complex and challenging security issues the United States and its allies will face in the coming decades. In his remarks, Kerry also highlighted the overlapping threats posed in fragile states, noting:

The sad reality is that if you look at a map of the most fragile states in the world and you overlay that with the map of those most vulnerable to devastating climate impacts, you can see exactly how much overlap there is. Many of the regions where we’re focused on peacebuilding and conflict prevention, are projected to be the literal hotspots in the coming crisis. And we know the conflict and the climate crisis are linked in places like Sudan and so many others. We simply cannot ignore how climate is affecting these regions. On the contrary, climate impacts need to be reflected in every aspect of this body’s decision-making and field reporting.38U.S. Department of State, “Secretary Kerry Participates in the UN Security Council Open Debate on Climate and Security,” 23 February 2021, https://www.state.gov/secretary-kerry-participates-in-the-un-security-council-open-debate-on-climate-and-security/.

To address these risks and build resilience around the world against the effects of climate change, the Biden administration rejoined the Paris Agreement and has directed a “whole-of-government approach to address the climate crisis, to elevate the issue as a national security priority, and to put America on an irreversible path to achieve net-zero emissions by 2050 or earlier.”39U.S. Department of State, “Secretary Kerry Participates in the UN Security Council Open Debate on Climate and Security,” 23 February 2021, https://www.state.gov/secretary-kerry-participates-in-the-un-security-council-open-debate-on-climate-and-security/. In addition, the United States formally joined the UN Group of Friends on Climate and Security in 2021 – a group of over 50 countries and the EU dedicated to developing solutions for the impact of climate on security policy, raising public awareness, and boosting the involvement of the UN.40German Federal Foreign Office, “United Nations: Germany initiates Group of Friends on Climate and Security,” 8 August 2018, https://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/en/aussenpolitik/themen/klima/climate-and-security-new-group-of-friends/2125682.

In December 2021, the Security Council voted on a thematic resolution on climate change and security put forward by Ireland and Niger. Despite being co-sponsored by over 113 Member States, the draft resolution failed to pass,  receiving 12 votes in favor, two against from India and veto-wielding Russia, and one abstention from China.41Security Council Report, “Climate Change and Security: Vote on a Resolution,” 11 December 2021, https://www.securitycouncilreport.org/whatsinblue/2021/12/climate-change-and-security-vote-on-a-resolution.php. While experts noted that the resolution was largely symbolic, the text included several specific actions such as a request for the Secretary-General to “integrate climate-related security risks as a central component into comprehensive conflict-prevention strategies.”42Dr. Florian Krampe and Cedric de Coning, “Russia’s ‘nyet’ does not mean climate security is off the Security Council agenda,” Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), 13 December 2021, https://www.sipri.org/commentary/expert-comment/2021/russias-nyet-does-not-mean-climate-security-security-council-agenda#ClimateSecurity. 43Security Council Report, “Climate Change and Security: Vote on a Resolution,” 11 December 2021, https://www.securitycouncilreport.org/whatsinblue/2021/12/climate-change-and-security-vote-on-a-resolution.php. The United States strongly supported the resolution and noted that “by vetoing this resolution, Russia has stopped the world’s most important body for maintaining international peace and security from taking a small, practical, and necessary step to combat the impacts of climate change.”44U.S. Mission to the UN, “Remarks by Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield After the Vote on a UN Security Resolution on Climate and Security,” 13 December 2021, https://usun.usmission.gov/remarks-by-ambassador-linda-thomas-greenfield-after-the-vote-on-a-un-security-council-resolution-on-climate-and-security/. In her remarks, Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield spoke in favor of Security Council action arguing that it “can and should complement, support, and reinforce our collective work under the Paris Agreement and the UNFCCC in ways that are necessary to fight this security threat.”45U.S. Mission to the UN, “Remarks by Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield After the Vote on a UN Security Resolution on Climate and Security,” 13 December 2021, https://usun.usmission.gov/remarks-by-ambassador-linda-thomas-greenfield-after-the-vote-on-a-un-security-council-resolution-on-climate-and-security/.

Conclusion

The Biden administration’s return to multilateralism has been challenged by new geo-political realities and a difficult environment at the Security Council. Great power rivalries, a general degradation of the Security Council’s ability to carry out its core mandate, and a growing menu of global crises undermine the rhetoric espoused by the Biden administration about a return to multilateral tools to address the world’s greatest challenges, including the thematic areas explored in this issue brief. Although the Biden administration’s rhetoric has demonstrated an eagerness to utilize the Security Council to develop global solutions, the United States has been repeatedly stymied in trying to undertake even the most cautious of steps on many occasions. For the Security Council to meet the current state of global challenges, it will take more than the arrival of a new administration in Washington. Progress will be slow, but with a commitment that goes beyond just words, the Biden administration could build goodwill amongst Security Council members and move toward a more impactful term.

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