Understanding Kim Jong Un’s Economic Policymaking: Key Findings & Implications

Researchers Robert Carlin and Rachel Minyoung Lee wrap up the “Understanding Kim Jong Un’s Economic Policymaking” project by highlighting key findings and implications

Originally published on 38 North.

All good things must come to an end, they say, and this is a chance, at the end of the project “Understanding Kim Jong Un’s Economic Policymaking,” to review what we tried to do, what we may have accomplished and the tremendous amount of work that remains to be done.

By reading and analyzing North Korea’s two premier economic journals—Kyo’ngje Yo’ngu and the Journal of Kim Il Sung University, also known as Hakpo—in depth, the project set out with the goal of shedding some light on how Pyongyang’s economic policy decisions are made and rolled out under Kim Jong Un from 2012-2020.

The breadth of this study was extensive, including Kim’s initiatives across the farming, enterprise and banking sectors, as well as tourism, economic development zones (EDZs) and foreign trade. It examined how these various reform-related initiatives were introduced and how sensitivities (and sometimes pushback) connected to reform initiatives were revealed. Across the board, a careful reading of the journals revealed the following: tensions between the traditional views of socialist principles and the more flexible, pro-reform interpretations; the challenges facing the regime as it pushes its reformist agenda; and both the extent to which the regime has been willing to go and its persistence over time to try to implement new ideas.

Key Findings

To wrap up this project, we are providing a summary below of five key findings from our research.

First, judging by articles in the journals, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK or North Korea) follows a particular pattern in rolling out new economic policies. New ideas do not simply appear out of the blue. The journals start by introducing the topics, signaling that Kim has issued some broad policy guidance that necessitated research on them. After studies have been conducted, new ideas have been tested in some units, viable plans have been identified and policy guidelines have been issued, the journals then go beyond general discussions and start explaining the new initiatives in more detail and advocating them with a range of arguments—some of which are highly abstruse, others more detailed and plainly stated—and, most importantly, how the new ideas can or should be operationalized.

Second, contrary to the widely accepted notion that all North Korean publications speak with one voice and toe the party line, the country’s two economic journals, particularly Kyo’ngje Yo’ngu, have served as a platform for internal discussions and often for differing views on new ideas and initiatives. It is inconceivable that dueling narratives on sensitive topics, such as economic reform, could be conducted without the concurrence, and more likely the backing, of various elements within the country’s leadership. Contending views may be more likely when a policy is still under discussion within the leadership, but there are times when these appear even after a top-level decision has clearly been made.

Read the full analysis on 38 North.

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