From the JDA to the MoD—a step forward, but challenges remain
January 27, 2007
This article originally appeared in PacNet Newsletter publised by CSIS/Pacific Forum on January 23, 2007.
On
Jan. 9, 2007, the Japan Defense Agency (JDA) became the Ministry of
Defense (MoD). While this elevation in status was long overdue,
formidable challenges await the MoD as it tries to find its place and
role in an emerging new decision-making structure in Japanese security
policy and establish itself as a key player therein.
Throughout
the Cold War, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA), and particularly
its North American Affairs Bureau, played a central role in shaping
Japanese security policy. The role of the JDA, established in 1954 as an
agency under the Cabinet Office, was confined to: management of the
Self-Defense Forces (SDF) to maintain an exclusively defense-oriented
posture, coordination with local governments in Japan that host US and
SDF bases, and addressing issues that arise from the crimes committed by
US soldiers based in Japan. With the tight limits on its military
activity, the JDA has functioned primarily as a "management agency" (kanri kancho) rather than a "policy
agency" (seisaku kancho).
In
many ways, the relationship between the MOFA and the JDA during the
postwar era reflected the nature of the US-Japan alliance during the
Cold War when Japan made very little tangible military contribution to
the alliance. The discussion between Tokyo and Washington was
predominantly about the political and legal aspects of the US-Japan
alliance, such as the US obligation to have prior consultations
regarding actions taken by US forces in Japan, or the rights of US
forces personnel. This made the Department of State (DoS) and MOFA, the
signatories of these agreements, the lead agencies in managing the
US-Japan alliance.
Changes came with the end of the Cold War. As
pressure began to mount on Japan to make more tangible contributions to
the efforts to improve the international security environment, there
were also expectations of a growing JDA role in Japanese security
policy. In particular, SDF participation in international activities
including UN peacekeeping operations (PKO) obligated the JDA to play a
greater role. Changes in the international security environment and
changing expectations of Japan also resulted in a greater emphasis on
the military aspect of the US-Japan alliance. Consequently, the US
Department of Defense (DoD) became a lead agency on the US side in
alliance consultations.
Alliance developments in the post-9/11
world, SDF dispatch to the Indian Ocean and Iraq, closer cooperation
in ballistic missile defense, announcement of "common strategic
objectives," as well as the transformation of the US-Japan alliance and
US force realignments propelled this trend, making old procedures, in
which MOFA took the lead in Japan's relationship with the DoD as well as
the DoS, not only illogical but inefficient.
What does it mean
now that the JDA is a ministry? Domestically, it means that the MoD
enjoys bureaucratic status equal to the MOFA, which effectively enhances
its position vis-à-vis MOFA and theoretically ensures a leading role
for MoD in security policymaking in Japan. Furthermore, ministerial
status allows the MoD to take control of critical administrative
procedures, such as submitting its own legislative proposals to the
Diet, or negotiating a budget with the Ministry of Finance. It also
brings prestige which will boost the morale of civilian MoD officials as
well as the SDF officers.
While taking effect in a separate
law, inclusion of "international activities" PKO, international
disaster relief, rear-area support in case of regional contingencies
in the SDF's core mission should not go unnoticed, either. This provides
a legal framework for the SDF to participate more robustly in
activities that improve the international security environment. This is
consistent with the principles put forward both in the "common strategic
objectives" outlined in the Joint Statement of the US-Japan Security
Consultative Committee in February 2005 and the 2004 National Defense
Program Guideline.
Given the expansion of the role played by the
JDA and the SDF in post-Cold War Japanese security policy, the JDA's
elevation to a ministry is a positive step. However, before the MoD can
truly transform itself into an institution capable of playing a leading
role in shaping Japanese security policy, several important challenges
remain.
First, the MoD must develop a stronger policy-planning
capacity. The MoD remains domestically oriented, and still primarily
functions more as a management agency. Now that it is a ministry, the
MoD will have to be able to present its long-term strategy and visions
for Japanese security policy. While the JDA has invested in developing
an institutional capacity to do that, it is far from sufficient. For
instance, the MoD will create a "strategic planning office" in September
as a part of its reorganization effort to enhance its policy-planning
capacity. But what is envisioned is far too small to adequately perform
this function. The MoD should explore a more comprehensive
reorganization that includes creating an office that, similar to MOFA's
Foreign Policy Bureau, coordinates policy for the ministry. It also
should create bureaus that focus on regional security affairs so that it
can build regional security policy as well as functional expertise in
security affairs. Most important, it must invest more in developing
human resource and encourage officials to gain policy-making capacity.
Increasing the number of "internationalists" that are policy-savvy with a
high level of security policy expertise is critical.
Second,
the MoD must improve coordination with other government agencies.
Throughout the Defense Policy Review Initiative (DPRI) process, the JDA
took the lead in negotiations with the United States, but a lack of
coordination between the JDA, MOFA, and other government offices was
evident from time to time, sometimes bringing negotiations to a
standstill. This led many observers of the US-Japan alliance on both
sides to question whether the JDA is "ready" to become a ministry. JDA's
elevation to a ministry cannot result in an escalation of the
bureaucratic tug-of-war with MOFA. Since Japan's decision-making system
is increasingly centralized around the prime minister and the Cabinet
Office, establishing a solid coordination mechanism most notably under
the new National Security Council (NSC) to be established with the
Cabinet Office is crucial.
Finally, the role of the Internal
Bureau (naikyoku) must be
reexamined. Historically, the Internal Bureau has supervised all aspects
of the SDF from procurement to personnel to include "keeping the
SDF down" under the name of civilian control, arguing that doing so will
prevent the SDF from returning to its militarist past. However, this is
an anachronistic management model when the SDF is encouraged to expand
the scope of its activities beyond Japan's borders. Now that Japan has a
mature democracy, it is a time to rethink the role the Internal Bureau
played vis-à-vis the SDF, and consider a fundamental reorganization
based on the principle that civilian officials and SDF officers work in
partnership to shape a security policy for Japan, so that the MoD can
proactively participate in the security policymaking process.
New security policymaking structure
Under
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, Japan is reforming its decision-making
process on national security issues and creating a more centralized
structure. In September 2006, two prime minister's advisory groups were
established. One is examining the utility of creating a National
Security Council (NSC) in the Cabinet Office, and the other is exploring
how to enhance the intelligence capacity of the Cabinet Office. Both
advisory groups are expected to present their recommendations in
February. While these recommendations will have a considerable impact on
the debate over the institutional framework for Japanese national
security policy, the system that will emerge remains uncertain.
It
is in this context that the MoD must establish itself as a proactive
player in Japanese security policy. This won't happen overnight. But it
is critical that the MoD tackle the structural challenges now, so that
it can play a major role in shaping the Japanese security agenda in what
is envisioned to be a more centralized decision-making process.

